This leaflet was issued by the Workers Solidarity Federation (WSF), and advocated an anarcho-syndicalist approach to trade unionism. It was directed to, in reality, to rank-and-file members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Another version here.
While “anarcho-syndicalism” in certain English-speaking countries has come to be tied to a strategy of “dual unionism” (the formation of brand-new unions on a purely anarcho-syndicalist platform, outside the existing orthodox unions), the WSF and its successor organisations consistently argued for the reform of existing unions along anarcho-syndicalist lines.
WSF disagreed with dual unionism on grounds including 1) it isolates radicals in marginal unions, rather than relating to large masses in the orthodox unions; 2) such isolation would be to the benefit of the most conservative and bureaucratised elements in the existing unions; 3) dual unions tend to recruit workers neglected by existing unions, meaning it cannot be assumed that their enrollment in the new “anarcho-syndicalist” unions is any sign of the increase in popular “anarcho-syndicalist” consciousness; 4) the current members of existing unions are highly unlikely to leave those existing unions, to join small and untried radical unions; 5) existing unions, no matter how conservative , are still genuine mass structures of and for the working class; and 6) historically, internal reforms have successfully transformed orthodox unions into mass revolutionary (or anarcho-syndicalist) formations, including notable examples like the French CGT and the Argentinean FORA.
The WSF rejected the notion that there was any contradiction between anarcho-syndicalism / revolutionary syndicalism and the Bakuninist/ Platformist/ especifist approach of organisational dualism i.e. the necessity of building a Bakuninist organisation of tendency that works within the existing mass working class structures (e.. orthodox unions). First, because such an organisation would be ideal for promoting and defending anarcho-syndicalism / revolutionary syndicalism as a strategy of counter-power and counter-culture; second, because this could be promoted and defended inside existing unions; third, because there is no necessary link between anarcho-syndicalism / revolutionary syndicalism and dual unionism; and finally, because there is a very notable strand of anarcho-syndicalism / revolutionary syndicalism that did, and does, recognise the need for specific anarchist (or syndicalist) political organisations, in addition to anarcho-syndicalist / revolutionary syndicalist unions (example, the FAI in the Spanish CNT, and Bakunin’s Alliance in the First International).
Now, the leaflet (link below image):
SAASHA 